Rent: Its Essence and its Place
in the Distribution of Wealth
Thomas L. Brown
[Reprinted from The Arena, Vol.9, 1893, pp.
81-117]
The single tax men propose to solve the industrial problem by taxing
ground rent or land values. It is my purpose in preparing this paper,
first, to make plain the two meanings of the word value; and second,
to show graphically what ground rent is, and how it operates in the
distribution of the products of industry. After that it might be of
interest to point out the relation of the rent collector to his rivals
in the struggle for wealth, and to pursue some other considerations
suggested at the close of the paper. If the discussion may seem
intricate and even dull, I must paraphrase the dictum of the great
Stagirite by declaring at the outset that, as there is no royal road
to geometry, so there is no royal road to political economy. To bring
order out of the chaos in which economic data and " standard "
and newspaper economic doctrines now welter, one must lay bare the
fundamental principles of the science; but when these are once
grasped, the student of economics may console himself that he has
found the thread that will lead him out of the labyrinth and the
darkness into a broad place illumined by open day. Rhetoric may
brighten the page of economic and socio- logical discussion when once
the principles have been made plain ; but until this goal is reached,
we must be content with sober prose.
The meaning of the phrase "land values" must first be
fixed. The word value has been a prolific source of confusion in
political economy. Economists gravely declare, for example, that the
fire-water that destroys Poor Lo possesses value, while the sparkling
waters of his native brook possess none; that the cigarette that
enfeebles the body and brain of the schoolboy, or the opium that saps
the manhood of the civilized adult, is also a thing of value; while
pure air and sunshine, which are absolutely essential to human life,
are destitute of this quality. What does this apparent nonsense mean?
Popular confusion here results from the failure to distinguish
between intrinsic and extrinsic value. The intrinsic value of a thing
is its power to contribute to individual or social well-being,
material or spiritual, physical, intellectual, or moral. Thus air,
water, sunshine, friends, peace of mind, hope of immortality, and the
like, all have high value. They are absolutely priceless; yet
ordinarily they will sell for nothing in the open market. On the other
hand, a great work of art or literature, placed before men of gross
tastes and indifferent powers of perception, will sell for a pittance
entirely incommensurate with its power to ennoble man and "avail
for life."
Other commodities, again, will sell in the market for a price
corresponding more closely with their powers to satisfy normal wants
and to advance human welfare; such are food, clothing, tools, etc.,
whose utilities are generally recognized.
Still other articles, possessing little utility or none what- ever,
may sell at a high rate ; as narcotics, alcoholic stimulants, vile
literature, obscene representations, and the like. In short, true
wealth may possess no value, while "illth" may yield its
owner a rich return in cash.
Intrinsic and extrinsic value, then, may be thus distinguished: the
intrinsic value of a thing, or its worth, is its power, appreciated or
unappreciated, to "avail for life," to upbuild, to enlarge,
to satisfy rational wants, and to enable man to fulfill his destiny.
The extrinsic value of a thing, on the other hand, is nothing more nor
less than its power to exchange for other things - commodities or
money. This "value of a thing is just as much as it will bring."
While the worth of Paradise Lost may surpass that of the mines of
Golconda or Colorado, the original value of this work of genius was,
as I remember, some ten pounds or less; and while His worth to the
race is beyond all computation, the value of the Man of Nazareth was
thirty pieces of silver. Intrinsic value or worth is the good, actual
or potential, in the thing; extrinsic value, or, in economic parlance,
"value" simply - base prostitution of a noble word! - is
what one can get out of it in cash or truck.
An important distinction exists between actual and assumed worth. A
soil assumed to possess but slight worth may cover a gold mine; and a
human mind, apparently of mediocre or inferior order, may unfold until
the world is dazzled by its brilliancy or stirred by its profundity.
In each of these cases, the actual worth of the thing infinitely
surpasses its assumed, recognized, or estimated worth. The following
grouping of terms may prevent confusion of thought : -
Value : -
1. Real (i. e., worth).
a. Actual or potential. b. Assumed or estimated.
2. Market or exchange.
Where the terms are used without modification, value will mean market
or exchange value, and worth will mean assumed or estimated worth.
Wealth is a product of labor, or of labor and capital, applied to
natural agents, i. e., to land. True wealth, as distinguished from "illth,"
always possesses actual or potential worth. Whether or not it
possesses value depends, first, upon whether or not men recognize this
worth; and second, upon whether or not .they are able freely to steal
it. Wealth, recognized as such and placed beyond the reach of thieves,
will always possess more or less value. The test must always be, Can
it be exchanged? A mother's picture, for example, while a product of
labor applied to natural agents, and possessing high worth to an
appreciative son, may be exchangeable for nothing and hence will
possess no value. By observing these distinctions we may be able to
get on.
Does land possess either worth or value? By land we mean, in
political economy, the planet upon which we live, minus all human
embellishments. It includes mountains, valleys, and plains; the
minerals, gases, and oils that lie within earth's bosom, and the
oceans, seas, rivers and other waters that surround its bulk or dot
its surface or irrigate its forests and fields. Surely if land lacks
worth, then nothing else can possess it; land, thus viewed, is
absolutely essential to human existence. Without it man were a ghost.
Has land value as well as worth? This question one may answer for
himself by trying to get some or the use of some, or by seeking to
live at all in society. The fact that he is charged for it or for its
use proves that land has value. This is true not only of the dry land
surface of the earth, but, to a considerable extent, of the water
also. The navigation of the ocean and of most rivers is nominally
free; yet that often it is not actually so is shown by the fact that
one is charged for the privilege of sailing from or to a wharf.
Wharfage is practically a charge for the use of the water, and so
resembles ground rent which, as we shall see, is a charge for the use
of dry land.
Whence comes the value of land, considered independently of the worth
of land? For the sake of simplicity, consider the origin and growth of
a new community. A band of immigrant families migrate to the west,
select an eligible site for a home, and prepare to settle down upon
the basis of common property in land. They must first pay say $1.25
per acre to the United States government for a title. Land in the
wilderness, before the approach of man, is thus seen to have a small
value. As the charge is levied independently of the relative worth of
wild lands, it may be regarded as in part the payment for a title
securing to its holders undisturbed possession, but chiefly as a
solvent of government monopoly. Uncle Sam claims the land as his
private property, and the immigrants must pay him a considerable part
of their $1.25 per acre to induce him to relax his grasp.
Let the several families invest equal amounts for the purchase of a
tract of several thousand acres of land. The land will now be the
joint property of the community, and the families will enjoy equal
rights to its use. Part of the land is rich prairie soil, part heavily
wooded, but both prairie and forest are well watered and fruitful.
Part of the land, again, is sandy, rocky, alkaline, hilly, studded
with cactus or sage-brush, and cut by gullies and canons. Manifestly
this land, independently of any outlay of labor and capital by man,
varies greatly in worth; and common fairness will demand that he who
enjoys special privileges in the use of the land shall pay according
to his privilege.
Instead of scattering themselves over their estate, each family
separated from its nearest neighbor by a mile or more, let them decide
to build their houses together, after the primitive German fashion, in
a little hamlet. They will now lay out a town of liberal proportions.
Each householder will possess his farm in the country and his lot in
town, upon which he will soon erect his dwelling.
Now, though this town may be laid out upon a table land of exactly
uniform natural quality, the fact that a closely- settled community is
to occupy it will cause the different sites, even from the first, to
vary somewhat in worth; the corner lots being more desirable than
other lots on the same square, and lots near the centres of activity
being more desirable than those at the outskirts. This is obvious in a
city, and is due to the fact that more business can be done on streets
and corners where many people pass than where but few pass. While,
again, the outskirts possess some advantages for residential purposes,
these advantages are partly offset by the labor entailed and the time
consumed in travelling between one's home and place of business.
Let us now indicate by a diagram * the different worths of the soils
or rural lands and of the sites or urban lands in this community, as
these degrees of worth are recognized or assumed by the settlers. It
cannot be said that these degrees of worth are due to the outlay of
labor or capital or both upon the land; for the mere fact that this
area will be entered upon and disposed in the manner indicated will
cause these grades of worth to exist.
Let the squares at the base of the diagram indicate either rural
soils of equal area or urban sites of equal area; bearing in mind the
fact that a bare lot in town may easily be worth an unimproved farm in
the country. For convenience of illustration, let these soils and
sites be arranged in the order of their worths; an ideal arrangement
roughly corresponding to the actual, since the land possessing most
worth is in the heart of the city, while that of least practical worth
is at the outskirts, and so the farthest removed from markets, and
thus affording to its occupant the minimum of advantage from
association and cooperation.
Grade I. will now represent the choice corner lots in the centre of
the village, or the extra-rich soils that lie on the border between
the town and country lands. Grade II. will represent soils or sites
capable of yielding a less annual return in wealth, whether in crop or
the products of trade; and so on down to Grade XII., which may
represent the most rocky, sandy, gully-cut and cactus-overgrown area
of rural land at the farthest confines of the settlement. Aside from
its slight utility as pasture land, such land may be regarded as, at
present, almost destitute of worth. Whether or not it possesses value
remains to be seen. Grade XII., were it utilized, is capable of
yielding an annual return indicated by the vertical line XII. 1. Let
this line now represent the unit of wealth or worth. Grade XI.,
subjected to an equal outlay of labor and capital, will yield XI. 2,
or two unite of wealth. And similarly, with an exactly equal outlay of
labor and capital upon any one of the twelve grades of land, Grade X.
will yield three units, Grade IX. four units, and so on to Grade I.,
which will yield twelve units.
But as our community is small, let the first four grades of land
satisfy, for the present, all its requirements. Grade IV., which under
the assumed conditions of equal outlay of labor and capital yields
nine units, is the worst land in use. The poorest lands, which for the
present are discarded, will remain in the possession of the community,
to be drawn upon at pleasure.
The user of land of Grade IV. will now be able to derive from it nine
units of wealth; but as he occupies the poorest used land in the
community, he will enjoy no landed privilege of which he can dispose
to another. His land, therefore, will possess no value. But Grade
III., under the assumed conditions, will yield ten units of wealth;
its occupant, therefore, will enjoy an advantage over the occupant of
Grade IV. equal to one unit - an advantage that can be sold. Land of
Grade III. will therefore possess an annual value of one unit. Since
Grade IV. is the poorest land to which the needs of society compel men
to resort, and since Grade III. is one unit better, this annual
advantage of III. over IV. is termed economic rent.
Grade II. is two units better than Grade IV. It therefore yields an
annual value and an economic rent of two units; and, similarly, Grade
I. yields three units of annual value and economic rent. The annual
values and economic rent of these four grades of land are, therefore,
for Grade IV., zero; for Grade III., one unit, an amount represented
by the vertical line b, 10 ; for Grade II., two units, an amount
represented by the line c, 11; and for Grade I., three units,
indicated by the line d, 12. These annual values or economic rents
being collected by the community, the occupants of the four grades of
land stand exactly upon a level so far as landed privilege is
concerned; each pays to the community the full value of any privilege
he might otherwise enjoy, and each soil or site is tvorth to its
occupant nine units of wealth. We are now ready for a definition of
economic rent : -
Economic rent is that value or excess of wealth which a, given outlay
of labor and capital can produce from a soil or site above the wealth
which an equal outlay of labor and capital can produce from the worst
soil or site to which the needs of society compel men to resort.
Whether this economic rent is paid to a present or an absent
landlord, or to the community, or is retained by the individual owner
of the more desirable land, makes no difference so far as the fact and
the purposes of definition are concerned. The economic rent is the
excess produced under the conditions given, and represents an unearned
advantage. Since, waiving governmental or other monopoly, laud,
however well situated, has no value until men appear to contend for
it, this economic rent represents a value that before had no
existence, and is, therefore, sometimes called "unearned
increment in land value."
Now let a railroad approach within some miles of this community, thus
affording better market facilities and better communication with the
outside world. The result will be to increase the worth of all the
soils and sites in the community, since more can now be realized from
the land with the same outlay of labor and capital.
Next let the community build a church, a schoolhouse, or a public
library, and engage in other civic improvements. The result will be
another increase in land worth, this time by social activity. Again,
let an individual engage in considerable improvements in his business
facilities, enlarging his store, increasing and improving his stock,
and beautifying and adorning his grounds. Aside from the increased
wealth which he adds to his own estate by his increased outlay of
labor and capital, and the enhanced improvement value that thereby
accrues to him, he increases, also, the land worth of the community
generally, since he renders it a more desirable place in which to
live.
Thus in three ways are land worths in the community enhanced, aside
from the increment in worth which a soil or site receives from the
activity of its owner or occupier; first, by productive activity
exercised outside the community; second, by social, and third, by
individual productive activity exercised within the community.
Now such an increase in land worth will not be uniform throughout the
community; for lands lying near the improvements will enjoy more of
such increase than will lands lying more remote. Assume the increase
to be at least one unit on each grade, and two units on the favored
grade, for example, Grade II. Now the worst grade, IV., may be
abandoned; and if - assuming Grade II. to be relatively abundant - the
excess on this grade be sufficient to make good all loss sustained by
abandoning grade IV. - which we may assume to be relatively scarce -
the community may rise to Grade III., which will now be the worst land
in use. The rent line now rises from 9, d to 10 / A, and the"
reward of each average producer has increased from nine units to ten.
Economic rent is represented by the vertical lines 10, 11; B, 13, and
A, 13.
Plainly, then, the land of the community has received an unearned
increment in worth represented by the lines 9, 10; 10, 11; 11, 13, and
12, 13 - unearned, i. e., by the individuals using the different
giades, and, in at least one case, unearned by the community itself or
by any of its members. Land values, however, have risen only by the
amount indicated by the vertical line 12, 13' on Grade II., and ther
rent roll has been correspondingly swelled.
But if other communities have not been similarly improved in the
meantime, it is possible for land values in our community to rise and
swallow up the increase in land worth, thrusting back the rent line to
its former position.
For example, let a company of new immigrants, having free access
elsewhere to land that will yield annually, under the originally
assumed conditions, nine units of wealth - as much, i. e., as Grade
IV. would yield before the improvements had been made - apply now to
this community for the privilege of using land of Grade IV., which now
yields ten units. On this "no-rent land" they will be
charged a rent of one unit. Why? Because nine units is the most they
can obtain elsewhere ; and hence, if they choose to remain, nine units
must satisfy them here. They may receive it, if they like, on any of
the grades in use - for which they will be charged all over nine units
as rent; or they may move upon Grade V., which now becomes no-rent
land. This some of them will do, while some of them may prefer to
occupy the better grades of land, and pay rent. The immigrant's reward
in each case is the same ; it is determined by his necessity; while
the land owners' return is determined by their opportunity. But since
the' worst land in the community which some must use fixes the rent
line for the whole community, this line now drops back from 10 A to 9
d. The increase in land worth has been wholly swallowed up by the
increase in land values.
Observing now that the tide of immigration has set their way and
that, by pulling down the rent line for newcomers, this immigration is
lowering it for the original settlers themselves, let the "first
families" agree to abandon the "barbarous system" of
equal rights to land and common ownership of rent; and adopt, instead,
upon some basis acceptable to themselves, the "civilized system"
of private property in land. The "first families" now become
the exclusive proprietors of the land - a landed aristocracy. All new
comers must now either rent or buy, in each case paying according to
the advantage secured, and thus leaving to the propertied class their
exclusive privileges, since the money received in payment for land can
be made to return in interest the full equivalent of all that is
sacrificed in rent; otherwise the land owner will not sell. From this
point on, society differentiates itself more and more sharply into the
classes who live by laboring and the classes who live by collecting
tolls from those who labor. As the rent line falls, land owners fatten
while producers grow lean.
Now let other immigrants arrive, and landless children - younger sons
- be born into the society. The first five grades will no longer
satisfy the requirements of the society, hence poorer lands must be
resorted to. Grade VI. will next be occupied. If equally desirable
land can be had outside the society, Grade VI. will pay no rent, and
the rent line will stand at 8' e. Let another wave of immigration pour
in, and some must resort to Grade VII., whose annual worth -
represented by the line VII. 7 - is seven units. The fact that the
immigrants wish to stay under such conditions is evidence that better
facilities outside no longer remain. The owners of Grade VI. can now
demand a rent of one unit, represented by the line 7, 8; and the rents
on Grades V., IV., III., II., and I. are increased by one unit in each
case; i. e., the rent line has dropped from 8 e to 7 i. Whereas
producers retained eight units after paying rent, they now retain
seven. Producers are worse off and rent collectors are better off.
Improvements in production may increase the annual return from the
lands already in use, and so check temporarily the descent to worse
and worse lands ; but the law of diminishing or non-proportionate
returns from land forbids that this check shall serve otherwise than
temporarily. Doubling the dose of labor and capital may double the
annual return from land once or twice, but not continuously. If
population increases and better lands outside be not available,
producers must resort to worse soils and sites, and so lower the
economic rent line.
From causes similar to those already given, the unearned increment in
land worth may continue to accumulate, and will if the community be
progressive. Suppose, for example, the railroad that has approached
the town now sends a branch into the town. The worth of all land in
the community now increases, since a society in direct communication
with the outside world is for every reason more eligible as a home and
place of business than is a community comparatively isolated. Yet if
free land outside be not correspondingly enhanced in worth at the same
time, the rent line in our community will not rise and so leave more
beneath for renters. Why? Because there is no force operating to crowd
it up. The renter's opportunity is determined by the character of the
free land outside, so long as any remains. Increased land worth will
be transmuted into increased land value and go to the land owners as
rent.
Thus every public or private improvement that tends to make the
community more habitable and attractive - provided, as rarely occurs,
that free opportunities outside are not correspondingly improved - is
charged up to rent. For example, let an electric railway be run into a
rural suburb, too remote, hitherto, for residential purposes, and too
rocky and barren for agricultural purposes, and represented, say, by
Grade X. The worth of this land may suddenly leap almost to the level
of the best residential land in the city, and its annual yield in
wealth may rise from four units to perhaps ten units. Whereas,
hitherto, it lay far below the rent line, it now, as if by magic, is
made to yield three units in rent. Any advantage that either the
community or occupant might have received, the land owner pockets.
Cases of which this will serve as a type may be cited from almost any
city in the United States. Great are u enterprise" an "public
spirit " - for the land speculator!
Another force, not sufficiently conspicuous, hitherto, to demand
attention, now manifests itself; and, despite the actual or
prospective increased worth of the land, causes the rent line actually
to fall. This force is speculation. The very fact that a railroad, an
electric line, or other considerable improvement is coming, fires the
land owners bosoms with hope of unearned increment. They see in
advance that their power to collect rent will enable them to gather in
the bulk of the harvest resulting from the improvement. Imagination,
moreover, pictures therefrom not only greater gains than may
rationally be expected, but also other gains from still other
improvements that exist only in imagination. Lest any portion of these
rewards shall be forfeited by selling or letting lands at too low a
rate, land owners will now demand so much for their lands as to enable
them not only to garner in all the new unearned increment, but
considerably more. In other words, they will crowd the rent line still
lower, and so not only deprive the landless of all the benefits of the
improvements, but leave them actually worse off than they would have
been had the improvements not been made.
A new rent line now appears upon the chart to indicate the new and
wholly needless exaction. This line, which may leave the economic rent
line far behind - so far, in fact, as to induce a commercial panic -
is the speculative rent line, indicated by 5 n. Renters who have been
permitted to retain seven units after paying their rent (i. e.,
economic rent and unearned increment in land wealth winch has been
transmuted into land values) will now be required to pay, in addition
to their former rents, two units more in speculative rent. They will
therefore retain five units of their product, regardless of whether
they work on Grade IX. or on any one of the better grades. The depth
to which the speculative rent line can be pushed depends largely upon
the degree of excitement attending the boom" and the extent to
which non-land owners may be deluded in their hope of gaining by the
coming improvements.
Speculative rent, then, may be defined as that excess of wealth, less
economic rent and less other unearned increment in land value, which a
given outlay of labor and capital can produce from the worst land to
which the greed of the land speculator compels men to resort.
Speculative rent differs* from economic rent in that the economic
rent line is fixed by social need, while the speculative rent line is
fixed by the landlords' greed.
The speculative rent line is necessarily a fluctuating line. When the
land owners find that their boom has burst and that they have
precipitated a panic, paralyzed industry, and thus diminished the
amount of labor products, they will be compelled to take less in rent;
both because of the diminished productiveness of industry in general,
and because of the necessity of permitting the rent line to rise until
industry can recover. This done, business will begin at length to "look
up"; but so will the landlords. As a result the rent line will
begin again to glide gently downward until, perhaps, another panic has
been precipitated.
In a growing community the speculative rent line will always lie well
below the economic rent line, and so increase the tribute which
producers must pay to land owners for the privilege of living and
producing.
Note next the influence of industrial competition upon rents.
With the speculative rent line standing, say, at 5 n,
freely-competing business men, stung by the consciousness of
undeserved losses, will be goaded on to regain their lost position.
That he may gain an advantage over his com- petitors and catch more
trade, one will undersell; but soon his rivals will follow suit, and
no one of them will have gained an advantage. Now the process will be
repeated, to the brief, temporary gain of those who led, but soon to
the cost of all; for when all have cut in equal ratio, all will stand
once more upon a level, but upon a level that has sunk. All are worse
off than before the first cut; yet, since no one of them dares to lead
in raising prices, the lost ground cannot well be regained.
To enable himself to endure the loss he has incurred by cutting
prices, one of the employers of labor will cut wages; but his example
will shortly be followed by his competitors, with the result that no
one now enjoys an advantage over another from reduced wage payments;
while any absolute gain that all may enjoy from this cause is soon
swallowed up by another cut in prices. But note that this reduction in
wages reacts upon employers; for as employees constitute a vast
majority of the population, their trade is an important factor in the
general market for goods, and cutting wages simply means for employers
a narrowing of market and, in consequence, an increased competition
for trade - a competition that leads to still further cuts in prices
and wages, and consequent narrowing of market.
Since from these causes business is becoming less profitable,
employers are led to discharge some of their workmen. These, in order
to regain a footing in the industrial order, will offer to work for
less wages than are paid to those still employed. This leads to still
further reduction in wages, the initiative coming this time not from
employers, but from the workmen themselves; and the all-round cut in
wages means an all-round reduction in the market for goods, with
intensified competition for trade and for work. Thus, as in all cases
of morbid action, effect becomes cause and tends to perpetuate itself
indefinitely.
While these successive reductions in prices and wages are compassing
the ruin of both freely-competing employers and workmen, who are
gaining thereby? Manifestly, those who possess the means with which to
buy the cheapened goods and labor; and among these "effectual
demanders" the landlord is conspicuous. The proceeds of his rent
roll enable him to buy more labor and more labor products; while,
conversely, employers and employed, though rendering exactly the same
kind, quality, and quantity of services, receive less reward. What is
the meaning of this but the payment of more rent to the landlord
(albeit a part of the producers loss is the gain of other [unreadable]
Poorer lands, it is true, may not now be resorted to. Hard
times discourage enterprise and curtail investments; but the rent line
will have fallen, nevertheless. Say it has fallen one unit; then it
will stand at 4, u, and, while Grade X. may still lie unused, the
effects upon industry will be the same as though it stood at 4 u. The
rent line this time has not been dragged down by the necessary resort
to poorer lands; neither has it been thrust down from above by land
speculators. By competition producers have pulled it down upon their
own heads, and thus established the competitive rent line - a line
that tends constantly to coincide with the speculative rent line.
Competitive rent, then, is the gratuity which freely-competing,
non-privileged producers donate to landlords - as well as to other
privileged classes - in the futile attempt to undersell and underbid
each other.
This rent will probably continue to be paid until producers learn
experimentally that the industrial circle cannot be squared. Labor
organizations and business combinations prove that producers are
coming slowly to see the point. Obviously what they save comes chiefly
out of the tribute levied upon the workers by the "non-producing,
much-consuming aristocracy" in general; and thus we may see how
the higher wages extorted from employers by organized labor may cost
employers nothing after all, despite the deductions of the Manchester
school. So long as employers and workmen perform necessary social
functions, they must be subsisted, though at the cost of toll
collectors.
Whether or not there may be still other rents than those here
discussed; how it is possible that men not land owners should grow
rich - as some do; why rent, and if so what rents, should be
socialized; what effect the socialization of economic rent simply, or
of ground rent entire, would exert upon the solution of the industrial
problem; and whether, with landed opportunities leveled by scooping
off ground rent and commuting therewith all taxes, direct and
indirect, the motto, "Liberty and Laissez faire" is a true
one, further space than I can now command would be required to show.
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