The Vulnerable State
Frank Chodorov
[Reprinted from: Fugitive Essays, published
by Liberty Press, 1980.
Originally published, 1946]
The weakness of he state is that it is an aggregate of humans; its
strength lies in the general ignorance of that fact. From earliest
times the covering up of this vulnerability has engaged the ingenuity
of political power; all manner of argument has been adduced to lend
the state a superhuman character, and rituals without end have been
invented to give this fiction a verisimilitude of reality. The
divinity with which the king found it necessary to endow himself has
been assumed by a mythical fifty-one percent who in turn ordain those
who rule over them. To aid the process of canonization, the personages
in whom power resides have set themselves off by such artifices as
high-sounding titles, distinctive apparel, and hierarchical insignia.
Language and behavior mannerisms -- called protocol -- emphasize their
separatism. Nevertheless, the fact of mortality cannot be denied, and
the continuity of political power is manufactured by means of a
awe-inspiring symbols, such as flags, thrones, wigs, monuments, seals,
and ribbons; these things do not die. By way of litanies, a soul is
breathed into the golden calf and political philosophy anoints it a "metaphysical
person."
But Louis XIV was quite literal in proclaiming "L'etat c'est
moi." The state is a person or number of persons who exercise
force, or the threat of it, to cause others to so what they
otherwise would not do, or to refrain from satisfying a desire. That
is, the state is political power, and political power is force
exerted by persons on persons. The superhuman character given it is
intended to induce subservience. The strength of the state is
Samsonian, and can be shorn off by popular recognition of the fact
that it is only a Tom, a Dick, and a Harry.
The Only Cure
We must disabuse our minds of the thought that that state is
a thief; the state are thieves. It is not a system which
creates privileges, it is a number of morally responsible
individuals who do so. A robot cannot declare war, nor can a general
staff conduct one; the motivating instrument is a man called king or
president, a man called legislator, a man called general. In thus
identifying political behavior with persons we prevent transference
of guilt to an amoral fiction and place responsibility where it
rightly belongs.
Having fixed in our minds the fact that the state is a number of
persons who are up to no good, we should proceed to treat them
accordingly. You do not genuflect before an ordinary loafer; why
should you do so in the presence of a bureaucrat? If someone high in
the hierarchy rents a hall, and with your money, stay away; the
absent audience will bring him to a realization of his nothingness.
The speeches and the written statements of the politician are
directed toward influencing your good opinion of political power,
and if you neither listen to the one nor read the other you will not
be influenced and he will give up the effort. It is the applause,
the adulation we accord political personages that records our
acquiescence in the power they yield; the deflation of that power is
in proportion to our disregard of these personages. Without a
cheering crowd there is no parade....
The Doctor's Responsibility
Social power resides in every individual. Just as you put personal
responsibility on political behavior, so must you assume personal
responsibility for social behavior. It is your own job. You think
poorly of legislator Brown not because he has violated a tenet of
the Tax Reform Society to which you belong, but because his voting
for a tax levy is in your own estimation an act of robbery. It is
not a peace society which passes judgement on the war-maker, it is
the individual pacifist. All values are personal. The good society
you envision by the decline of the state is a society of which you
are an integral part; your campaign is therefore your own
obligation.
You are ineffective alone? You need an organization before you can
begin? Individuals think, feel, and act; the organization serves
only as a mask for those unable to think or unwilling to act on
their own convictions. In the end, every organization vitiates the
ideal which at first attracted members, and the more powerful the
organization, the surer this result. This is so because the
organization is a compromise of private values, and in the effort to
find a workable compromise, the lowest common denominator,
descending as the membership increases, becomes the ideal. When you
speak for yourself you are strong. The potency of social power is in
the proportion to the number who are of like mind, but that, as was
said, is a matter of education, not organization.
Let us try social ostracism. It should work.