The Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson
By Subject
BRITAIN / POLICIES TOWARD COLONIALS
I think it must be evident to yourself, that the Ministry have been
deceived by their officers on this side of the water, who (for what
purpose I cannot tell) have constantly represented the American
opposition as that of a small faction, in which the body of the people
took little part This, you can inform them, of your own knowledge, is
untrue. They have taken it into their heads, too, that we are cowards,
and shall surrender at discretion to an armed force. The past and
future operations of the war must confirm or undeceive them on that
head. I wish they were thoroughly and minutely acquainted with every
circumstance relative to America, as it exists in truth. I am
persuaded, this would go far towards disposing them to reconciliation.
Even those in Parliament who are called friends to America, seem to
know nothing of our real determinations. I observe, they pronounced in
the last Parliament, that the Congress of 1774 did not mean to insist
rigorously on the terms they held out, but kept something in reserve,
to give up; and, in fact, that they would give up everything but the
article of taxation. Now, the truth is far from this, as I can affirm;
and put my honor to the assertion. Their continuance in this error
may, perhaps, produce very ill consequences. The Congress stated the
lowest terms they thought possible to be accepted, in order to
convince the world they were not unreasonable. They gave up the
monopoly and regulation of trade, and all acts of Parliament prior to
1764, leaving to British generosity to render these, at some future
time, as easy to America as the interest of Britain would admit. But
this was before blood was spilt. I cannot affirm, but have reason to
think, these terms would not now be accepted. I wish no false sense of
honor, no ignorance of our real intentions, no vain hope that partial
concessions of right will be accepted, may induce the Ministry to
trifle with accommodation, till it shall be out of their power ever to
accommodate. If, indeed, Great Britain, disjoined from her colonies,
be a match for the most potent nations of Europe, with the colonies
thrown into their scale, they may go on securely. But if they are not
assured of this, it would be certainly unwise, by trying the event of
another campaign, to risk our accepting a foreign aid, which, perhaps,
may not be obtainable, but on condition of everlasting avulsion from
Great Britain. This would be thought a hard condition, to those who
still wish for re-union with their parent country. I am sincerely one
of those, and would rather be in dependence on Great Britain, properly
limited, than on any nation on earth, or than on no nation. But I am
one of those, too, who, rather than submit to the rights of
legislating for us, assumed by the British Parliament, and which late
experience has shown they will so cruelly exercise, would lend my hand
to sink the whole Island in the ocean.
If undeceiving the Minister, as to matters of fact, may change his
disposi tion, it will, perhaps, be in your power, by assistilig to do
this, to render service to the whole empire, at the most critical
time, certainly, that it has ever seen. Whether Britain shall continue
the head of the greatest empire on earth, or shall return to her
original station in the political scale of Europe, depends, perhaps,
on the resolutions of the succeeding winter. God send they may be wise
and salutary for us all.
to John Randolph, 25 August 1775
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