The Battle to Preserve Open Space,
Preserve Land for Agricultural Use and the Law of Unforeseen
Consequences
Edward J. Dodson
[Reprinted from
GroundSwell May-June 2002]
Despite the fact that the cities, towns and even suburbs stretched
across the United States occupy only about 2-3 percent of the total
land area, many people are extremely concerned that development is "consuming"
far too much of our open space and land ideally suited for
agriculture. They observe, correctly, that public policy has favored
land expansive rather than land intensive development. Town centers at
one time grew up around stops on railway lines, but an explosion in
the number of automobiles owned by families corresponded with and
stimulated the construction of new roads and highways. As congestion
increased into and out of the nation's major cities, new highways were
constructed to -- by design -- by-pass existing congestion only to
create new areas of congestion as residential and commercial
development followed into previously undeveloped areas now served by
this network of limited access highways.
Highway construction changed the definition of distance from a
measurement based on miles to one based on time. People accustomed to
an hour door-to-door commute by train, living twenty miles from their
place of employment began purchasing homes in more distant suburban
areas because the automobile permitted them to cover the distance in
the same or less time (and not even have to walk from the central
train station to their work place). That happy circumstance was, as
most commuters know all too well, short-lived. One response of
business owners was to relocate their businesses closer to where they
lived. Soon, suburban communities were filling up with industrial and
office parks, creating new employment hubs. With the next phase of
more distant residential development, sprawl moved into far more
distant rural environments where there was as yet almost none of the
infrastructure required to support a large population and few, if any,
regulations on where and what type of development could occur.
The long-time residents of rural and agricultural areas were slow to
react to the changing face of the landscape. One after another,
farmers sold off pieces or all of their acreage to developers and
moved on or simply retired from farming. Gradually, rural residents
began to come together to discuss what they might do to slow the loss
of acreage under cultivation and the open spaces they had come to take
for granted. They were often joined in this concern by more recent
arrivals fearful of the rising taxes levied to pay for schools, water
and sewer systems and other public infrastructure associated with a
growing population. Ironically, many of the measures adopted by these
communities only contributed to the leap-frogging of development into
more distant and more rural areas.
One such measure is minimum lot size zoning (i.e., requiring that a
housing unit must be built on a minimum of one or two or three acres
of land). The effect is to reduce the number of housing units that can
be constructed in the community; however, the law of unforeseen
consequences comes along with this attempt to minimize density in this
way. The cost per household of roads, sewer lines, utilities, water
lines, libraries and other forms of public infrastructure is
increased. Compliance with Federal and state pollution control
regulations may require the imposition of heavy taxes. The net result
is far less land preserved for community use, for preservation of
wildlife and natural habitat than if, say, a maximum lot size zoning
were imposed to require at least eight housing units constructed on
one acre of a three-acre site, with the remaining two acres left
undeveloped.
Another response has been the slow but steady creation of land trusts
all across the United States, created as not-for-profit stewards of
land acquired by purchase or donation. Some land trusts are national
in scope with members who contribute annual dues to provide funds so
that the trust can acquire title of environmentally-important or
sensitive land thought to be threatened by development or resource
extraction. Other trusts are created for purposes of farmland
preservation, acquiring acreage that is leased to farmers at an annual
ground rent based on agricultural (rather than "highest and best")
use. Farmland closest to growing metropolitan areas falls into this
category. State governments have increasingly come to the taxpayers to
approve the sale of bonds (i.e., of state debt) to investors, the
proceeds to be utilized to purchase the future development rights from
landowners, thereby ensuring that the land is utilized for farming
purposes in perpetuity. And, finally, there are more and more land
trusts being formed for the purpose of creating permanently affordable
housing for lower income households. The land trust essentially takes
the land cost component out of the purchase price of housing, leasing
the land to the homeowner for an annual ground rent based not on
market ground rent but on what the homeowner can afford to pay. To
counter the operation of the market (i.e., the capitalization of the
imputed ground rent income to the homeowner), the land trust generally
imposes restrictions on how much the house can be sold for and to
whom. For example, the homeowner may be permitted to recover all
non-depreciated costs for any improvements made to the house and be
required to sell to a buyer with an income no greater than 80% of the
area median.
A new strategy being adopted to close the door on development is
being undertaken in Colorado, where local ranchers -- not generally
known for their concern over how the land is treated -- are working
closely with preservationists and environmentalists to protect ranch
lands from commercial and residential development. In less than a
decade, nearly 100,000 acres of agricultural and ranch lands have been
lost to development in just one county. Voters in Routt County have
responded by approving new taxes to finance the purchase of
conservation easements. Moreover, there are now seven active land
trusts in the county, one of which was established by the Colorado
Cattlemen's Agricultural Land Trust -- the first land trust created by
ranchers.
Which brings us back to the law of unforeseen consequences. The
private and public policy reaction to sprawling development has been
to move as quickly as possible to remove the remaining supply of less
intensively-developed or undeveloped land from the market. All things
being equal (e.g., the Federal and state governments stop subsidizing
even more rural infrastructure), demand must turn inward to land that
remains in the market. To the extent the imputed rental value of these
locations is not collected via local taxation, land prices will climb,
encouraging landowners of long standing (who are paying low carrying
costs) to hold on to their acreage until they feel a need to convert
their land asset into cash. Rising prices or the expectation of rising
land prices also attracts investors who actively speculate in land
over shorter periods (investing to "flip" land to developers
typically at enormous gains).
It is hard not to sympathize with people who are experiencing the
negative effects of the existing system of land tenure and taxation.
Given the widespread absence of real civic leadership to solve the
problem by a sound and just system for raising public revenue, they
are taking advantage of what the law does permit. Certainly, there are
many parts of the landscape that deserve being set aside, preserved in
a natural state and as habitat to protect bio-diversity. Just as
certain is that the consequences of reducing the supply of developable
land are quite predictable -- as would be the benefits of treating
location rental values as public revenue.
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