How Aggregate Investment Affects Location Rents in a Regional
Market
Harry Pollard and Edward J. Dodson
[An exchange of views that occurred 24 and 25
October, 2011.]
Harry As you may know, I don't agree that improvements
increase Rent (or its sale price - land-value). Rather, I think that
improvements take advantage of existing Rent. When rent is high
enough, something may be built to take advantage of it.
Ed Individual improvements will not increase the rental
value of locations in a given area, but aggregate investment in
improvements -- both public and private -- certainly will, except at
the point where a regional economic downturn pulls down property
prices.
Harry In the case of 'gentrification', rent is high enough
to make an existing improvement a poor user of its potential. So they
clear everyone out and 'improve' the improvement to make it attractive
for a more well-to-do clientele to take advantage of the rent.
Ed Yes. That is exactly what happens. Apartment rents are
raised to the point that lower income renters cannot absorb the
increases. Often properties that had at some point in the past been
converted from single-family to apartments are purchased by developers
or individuals, modernized and returned to single family use. Thus,
there is a net loss of housing units in the neighborhood.
Harry I suppose it's on all fours with the pressure of
rising rents on house construction. If one has a $1 million dollar
lot, one is forced to build a large mansion to make the sale
attractive. People won't pay $1.200,000 for a small house. I suspect
the Georgian Quarter is an example of improving enough to make the
high rent (price) palatable.
Ed Unless zoning permits the construction of more than one
dwelling unit for the land parcel. Or, a builder is able to obtain a
variance to existing permitted densities.
Harry Deferring property tax payments for older people is
something that is often done here. In the case of LVT, it's a one-off
routine that would happen only during the changeover to common sense.
Ed Deferral as a circuit breaker might still be required IF
community leaders and members desire to minimize wholesale
displacement. One frequent issue is whether the definition of
community requires significant diversity.
Harry You suggested that "aggregate investment in
improvements" would increase rents. My thought is that such
investment will redirect rent. About 50 years ago, the Farmer brothers
in Toronto suggested that total rent in the city remain the same for a
given community. Changes in the community would change rent.) I
remember discussing this with Mase a long time ago and we both agreed
that this was unlikely. I've come back to that idea and think that
activities within the city may "relocate" rent rather than
increase it. Thus, infrastructure that allows easy access to the
central city may send rent there at the expense of the outskirts.
I explain this in class by using the following story.
A great new entertainment center is built in the downtown. It has
cinemas, restaurants, fitness centers -- the lot!
Hundreds of thousands of people use this wonderful complex, coming
from all over the city. This influx raises rents around the complex
and small businesses start up around it. It certainly looks as if this
improvement has increased rents.
However, as most people are now heading downtown, rents in the
outskirts go down. Movie houses have trouble filling their seats,
restaurants have empty tables and have survival problems. Essentially,
rent has been moved downtown.
Then a dangerous virus strikes and its location is determined to be
the great entertainment complex. Some people die, many are sick, and
nobody will go near the place. The rent, which depends on the presence
and access of people, has fallen. The local small businesses are in
serious trouble. Rent has fallen, but their payments to the landlord
are not reduced. (Landlords will do anything rather than cut their
rentals.)
It should be noted that rents within the complex have also fallen
even though the payments demanded have not. This suggests that the
term 'rent' should be used to describe a value that attaches to a
location rather than to any payments that may be made to the community
or to a private individual.
Meantime, movie houses, restaurants, and other services in the
outskirts are doing well for people have returned! Their rents (the
value that attaches to their locations) have increased. That is, the
services that own their locations. It is likely that those who rent
are already gone. As we know, even though rents diminish, any drop in
payments to landlords is very sticky to say the least. This is why a
city has an abundance of vacant premises.
At last, the problem is solved. The downtown complex gets a good bill
of health, people return and along with them rent.
Such a scenario would indicate that improvements -- even in aggregate
don't create rent but rather take advantage of it.
An often cited case is the good school which "raises" rent.
I would suggest that when a good school becomes evident, it would
attract people to an area. With the influx comes an increase in rent.
I suppose that once again I've thrown the cat among the pigeons, but
perhaps we should do a little more throwing with that cat.
POSTSCRIPT
Ed In the scenario you describe, the regional economy
amounts to a "zero sum game" - for every winning
neighborhood or district there is a corresponding loser. In the real
world, regions tend to gain or lose total population because of more
complex and changing social, economic and political circumstances.
The aggregate investment I refer to includes the full network of
public goods and services that enable people to take advantage of
other public and private goods and services. The experience of most of
the large cities in the United States proves the point, I think.
Cities began to lose population to outlying areas because the
construction of limited access highways between cities created links
with rural roadways. The definition of distance was changed from miles
to minutes. Developers grasped the pent-up demand for housing units
with modern amenities, subdivisions went up with factory-like
efficiency, and the residential communities created demand for all
manner of new public and private goods and services. As one would
predict, the location rental values in the new suburbs climbed and
kept climbing. And, in the cities, the location rental values fell but
not universally. Even where the cities experienced a net loss in
population, only in those cities where the entire region lost
population did the location rental values in the central business
districts decline.
The set of circumstances you describe, Harry, are, while
hypothetically possible, require conditions not very likely to occur
in the real world. One final comment, Harry, in response to your
statement "that the term 'rent' should be used to describe a
value that attaches to a location rather than to any payments that may
be made to the community or to a private individual" certain
additional issues require clarification. That
rent is a good term to describe the value attached to a
location over a specific period of time is pretty good. We
know as well that rent exists whether actually exchanged or
merely potential, and regardless of whether the location is held by a
community, a private entity or an individual. The way I explain the
concept of rent to students is: "rent is that portion of
the material goods we produce that is claimed because some locations
have advantages - natural or created by human activity -- over others
in any specific area, as small as a city block or as large as the
ocean."
|