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SCI LIBRARY

Inflation


Edward J. Dodson



[Text of a letter written to the New York Times, October 20, 1999, in response to an editorial; this letter was not printed]


An important question not raised in today's editorial is whether the government or economists are including the right costs in the measurement of inflation. Take the housing sector, for example. Almost everywhere around the country housing prices are increasing; in some markets, the rate of increase is double digits. Interest rates have also increased somewhat during the last quarter or two, putting stress on affordability for many homebuyers. As homebuyers are forced to leverage themselves with larger mortgage loans, monthly housing expenses absorb some of what would have remained for other purchases. Moreover, more household income goes to pay interest on debt than to pay down principal on loans. Less cash each month also means more credit card and installment credit borrowing, which also has the effect to diverting income from goods and services to debt service and adding to the probability of higher personal bankruptcies.

Our economy received an enormous and largely unheralded break when mortgage interest rates fell from just under 10% down to just under 7%. Homeowners were able to refinance and either shorten the term of their loans or reduce monthly debt service by several hundred dollars, adding a vast pool of cash to the money supply. The benefit of this last period of low interest rates is quickly disappearing.

What the economic models do not highlight is the enormous stress on the economy that now underlies the rise in housing prices. This increase is largely a function of land markets and the prevalence of land speculation and land hoarding in markets where demand is greatest. Only a very few communities around the country have taken steps to mitigate this problem by restructuring their local property taxes to relieve improvements of some tax burden while increasing the tax rate imposed on assessed land values. And, even in these communities the extent to which they have moved in the right direction is far from optimal.

The economics are straightforward. Every parcel of land has a rental value. The extent to which this rental value is captured by the community via the property tax directly effects land prices. The uncaptured rental value is imputed income to a parcel owner, which is capitalized, giving land parcels a selling price. Almost universally, unimproved parcels of land are infrequently reassessed and taxed at low effective rates, so that most of the rental value is there to be capitalized. Picture a supply curve for land. The theoretical line is vertical (straight up and down). The supply curve in most markets actually leans considerably to the left; "price" does not clear the market for land parcels when the annual tax is much lower than the annual rental value. The result is a left-leaning supply curve, which means that as "price" rises the supply actually falls as owners hold land out of the market for speculative gains. Compare that with the supply curve for labor, capital goods or even credit -- each of which lean to the right, with the quantity brought to the market increasing with increases in price. After all, there are few people and few machines that increase in value by withholding their services from the market. Machines depreciate and lose value; people lose skills and become less and less marketable the longer they are not "working.

Until the government and economists take account of the land market and the impact of tax policy on the land market as separate and distinct from other component parts, they will continue to misdiagnose what is happening in the economy. Perhaps more importantly, until government finally understands that not all taxes are alike in terms of economic consequences, we will continue to suffer from inflationary spirals and deflationary falls.