Review of the Book:
The $30,000 Solution
by Robert R. Schutz, Ph.D.
Edward J. Dodson
[A review of The $30,000 Solution, written by
Robert R. Schutz, Ph.D., published by Fithian Press, 1995; reviewed
June 1996]
Robert Schutz, managing editor of EarthLight Magazine, asks
us to follow along as he describes how the world might be a very
different, improved, place if only we united in support of the public
policies he advances. "This book is the result of forty years'
observation of and reflection on the economic system," he begins.
What he observed is that the socio-political arrangements and
institutions of the United States (and virtually every other country)
nurture privilege and make possible a heavy concentration of wealth
and income in the hands of a few. Roughly calculated, Schutz forecasts
that ending privilege would make possible the distribution of some
$30,000 annually to every person as a citizen's dividend from forms of
"unearned income" that include "interest, rent, capital
gains, dividends, gambling and lottery winnings, the rewards of crime
and embezzlement, gifts, [and] inheritance.
An important source of inspiration to Schutz is the late nineteenth
century writing of Henry George, who relentlessly attacked
monopolistic privilege and land monopoly in particular. As an activist
seeking broad support for his program, Schutz concludes that although
George's "sight was keen" he was "too riveted on land
to do us complete justice." To overcome this shortcoming, Schutz
asks us to agree to distinctions between earned and unearned income
even more difficult to defend than George's charge that "rent"
(defined in modern terms as the potential annual legal tender value
for access to locations, natural resource lands, rights of way, the
airwaves and the broadcast spectrum) was a claim on wealth belonging
to all citizens equally. My own years of studying political economy
(including the writings of Henry George), caused me to wish Schutz had
not lumped gains from the sale of land titles in with actual gains on
the sale of capital goods. Gains on the sale of capital goods are
quite rare, inasmuch as buildings and equipment require constant input
of labor and additional capital goods just to maintain their economic
and functional utility. If society ever does collect anything close to
the full rent of land (i.e., of nature), titles to land will carry
very low and in many cases no sales price.
Schutz devotes some effort to explain how the economic game currently
operates, and he offers the reader not really interested in justice a
plan for accumulating personal wealth. Invest in real estate, ride the
upward tide of inflation, then put one's assets in a trust set up to
avoid taxes. Be careful, however; many more have lost everything than
have played the game and won. History does support Schutz to the
extent that the price of land has climbed farther and faster than
other prices. Hoarding land is a particularly good way to protect your
purchasing power, particularly if you acquired it long before highways
and development arrived to drive up value, or you are well enough
connected to know where public funds are going to be spent on airports
and other large-scale infrastructure projects.
In his analysis of our current economic system, Schutz attempts to
respond to those who would defend profits as the legitimate reward for
risk. The argument he should have made is that profits gained by the
reinvestment of unearned income adds injustice on top of injustice.
Once the laws of society recognize that up to this point in time most
vast fortunes have been so accumulated, remedial measures (such as an
annual wealth tax on personal assets over some value) can be adopted.
Condemning profits, per se, or the charging another party fees for the
temporary use of one's accumulated legal tender reserves (what we
commonly call "interest") ignores the fact that true market
transactions are win/win and involve no coercion -- systemic or
otherwise. Unfortunately, markets are burdened by the heavy hand of
coercion, in the form of agrarian and industrial landlordism --
ancient and modern monopolies combined within the structure of the
international corporation and oligarchical families that dominate many
countries.
Under the plan advanced by Schutz, every citizen would have a
guaranteed income -- of around $30,000 in the United States. Although
I do find fault with his categorization of income above certain levels
as virtually always unearned, the basis for distributing income that
is societally-created is consistent with just principles. Another
avenue that might be pursued is to exempt wages and savings from
taxation until a person has built up a storehouse of personal wealth
equal to at least two or three years of income determined to be
required to secure the goods (i.e., food, clothing, shelter,
education, medical care and leisure) for a decent human existence.
This could be combined with a further exemption of the first $30,000
of income (regardless of source and including any citizen dividend
received), with a tax rates gradually increased on additional income.
I would add that to the extent the full rent fund is collected, the
need to impose taxes on production and commerce can expected to
diminish.
Schutz next brings our attention to the system of legal tender
creation and banking that has been the source of so many of our
economic, social and political problems. He rightly offers the
cooperative as a model that displaces that of the corporation, owned
by stockholders who have little or no concern for the needs of
employees or customers. Still, the real problem is not the corporate
form of ownership or even the highly volatile markets for stocks,
bonds and other types of securities. The last time the global economy
had reasonably sound money was during the early sixteenth century and
the first decades of the Bank of Amsterdam. To the extent the Bank
loaned money, it transferred its own gold and silver coinage to others
(or issued bank notes fully secured by coinage held on deposit). When
the Bank directors began to issue notes in excess of its own assets,
they essentially committed a fraud that has continued unabated to this
day. We added an additional step to the fraud in the United States by
declaring as legal tender the bank notes issued by the Federal Reserve
Banks in exchange for government securities issued by the U.S.
Treasury Department. Few people really understand the fraud
perpetrated on the citizenry by this system. A paper bank note issued
by the Bank of Amsterdam was a promise to pay the holder a specific
quantity of precious metals; a Federal Reserve Note no longer promises
to pay anything. If the Federal Reserve Bank holds the government
securities, it receives Federal Reserve Notes back as interest (which
the government obtains by taxation, user fees or other borrowing). If
the Federal Reserve Bank auctions off the government securities, the
transaction is viewed as pretty much of a wash in terms of its effect
on the supply of legal tender in circulation. Anyone interested in how
this shell game got started can read Carroll Quigley's classic work,
Tragedy & Hope: A History of the World in Our Time (1966).
Another of the recommendations made by Schutz is to require banks to
distribute 90 percent of their annual profits to shareholders. His
reasoning for doing so is so that corporate managers will have to go
to shareholders to raise more financial resources when they plan
expansions, and in the process require them to think these decisions
through more thoroughly than history indicates has been the case up to
now. In our present "boom-to-bust" style of economy, I like
the idea of companies having some assets relatively liquid for rainy
days. As we approach economic nirvana - full employment without
inflation -- the idea takes on a new and more wholly constructive
character.
Our national debt, now well beyond the $5 trillion mark, is another
concern he approaches, although he concentrates only on the falling
interest costs that his proposals would generate rather than a
systematic method of retiring the national debt. A simple, but
effective means of doing so would be to replace existing government
bonds (as they mature) with fully amortizing bonds (hopefully with the
very low rates of interest Schutz forecasts). If and when government
revenue exceeds what is necessary to provide for current expenditures,
then the surplus could be used to call and retire these bonds ahead of
time.
Schutz suggests that we 'tighten the rules on deductions" that
businesses take for expenses. Why not eliminate deductions for
expenses altogether and replace the business profits tax with a tax on
gross revenue. This would not only put all businesses on an equal
footing, the most productive would be rewarded with lower effective
tax rates The rate of taxation ought to be sufficiently low as to not
damage a company's ability to be competitive with companies domiciled
outside the United States.
There are a number of other proposals made by Schutz that would be of
concern to those who believe government, particularly national
governments, are already the strong arm of privilege and entrenched
power. Many people have very little hope that "world government"
could ever be truly democratic or protect human rights. And yet, my
own libertarian principles soften when I think seriously about how to
protect our ecosystem from continued abuse and destruction or about
the stresses our species places on the survival of other forms of life
on earth. His specific proposals for dealing with these problems
establish, if not solutions, the basis for constructive dialogue.
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