The Correspondence of Thomas Jefferson
By Subject
LAND / LAND ORDINANCE OF 1785
We have now lands enough to employ an infinite number of people in
their cultivation. Cultivators of the earth are the most valuable
citizens. They are the most vigorous, the most independent, the most
virtuous, and they are tied to their country, and wedded to its
liberty and interests, by the most lasting bonds. As long, therefore,
as they can find employment m this line, I would not convert them into
mariners, artisans, or anything else. But our citizens will find
employment in this line, till their numbers, and of course their
productions, become too great for the demand, both internal and
foreign. This is not the case as yet, and probably will not be for a
considerable time. As soon as it is, the surplus of hands must be
turned to something else. I should then, perhaps, wish to turn them to
the sea in preference to manufactures; because, comparing the
characters of the two classes, I find the former the most valuable
citizens. I consider the class of artificers as the panders of vice,
and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally
overturned. However, we are not free to decide this question on
principles of theory only. Our people are decided in the opinion, that
it is necessary for us to take a share in the occupation of the ocean,
and their established habits induce them to require that the sea be
kept open to them, and that that line of policy be pursued, which will
render the use of that element to them as great as possible. I think
it a duty in those entrusted with the administration of their affairs,
to conform themselves to the decided choice of their constituents; and
that therefore, we should, in every instance, preserve an equality of
right to them in the transportation of commodities, in the right of
fishing, and in the other uses of the sea.
But what will be the consequence? Frequent wars without a doubt Their
property will be violated on the sea, and in foreign ports, their
persons will be insulted, imprisoned, &c., for pretended debts,
contracts, crimes, contra-band, &c., &C These insults must be
resented, even if we had no feelings, yet to prevent their eternal
repetition; or, in other words, our commerce on the ocean and in other
countries, must be paid for by frequent war. The justest dispositions
possible in ourselves, will not secure us against it. It would be
necessary that all other nations were just also. Justice indeed, on
our part, will save us from those wars which would have been produced
by a contrary disposition. But how can we preyent those produced by
the wrongs of other nati6ns? By putting ourselves in a condition to
punish them. W~akness provokes insult and injury, while a condition to
punish, often prevents them. This reasoning leads to the necessity of
some naval force; that being the ouly weapon by which we can reach an
enemy. I think it to our interest to punish the first insult; because
an insult unpunished is the parent of many others. We are not, at
this moment, in a condition to do it, but we should put ourselves into
it, as soon as possible. If a war with England should take place, it
seems to me that the first thing necessary would be a resolution to
abandon the carrying trade, because we cannot protect it. Foreign
nations must, in that case, be invited to bring us what we want, and
to take our productions in their own bottoms.
to John Jay, 23 August 1785
|