The Brilliance of Henry George
Harry Pollard
[Reprinted from a Land-Theory online
discussion, 8 May 2000]
The brilliance of George was not confirmed by his espousal of
land-value taxation (an old idea stretching into the dim past) but by
the way he thought. The "breathing tax" kiddingly presented
by Karl, picked up and analyzed by Mark, would certainly have been
dismissed by George as a silly notion.
He tended to look at things and see them as they are, rather than as
an emotionally colored construct of his prejudices. Few people like
someone who tells it like it is, which perhaps is why this brilliant
man was often heartily disliked -- as well as loved. I call myself --
with tongue well closeted in cheek -- a neo-sophist. I think it's fair
so to label George that way.
(Sophists aren't liked as they tend to trample over sacred beliefs
with their hob-nailed boots.)
Nevertheless, he was often wrong and intemperate - perhaps an
inevitability when one heads a political reform movement intent on
ending flagrant injustice and desperate conditions for a large portion
of the populace. I wish he had spent less time politicking, and more
time thinking and arguing with his peers.
GEORGE'S ERRORS
He was wrong when he said "we must make land common property . .
. by at one stroke abolishing all private titles, declaring all land
public property, and letting it out to the highest bidders . . ."
This ought to make our hair stand on end. It confirms the critiques
of friendly libertarian types - even as it places us in the court of
the socialists. What George was saying, whether he realized it or not,
was that we must nationalize the land, thereby placing it under the
control of the State.
(I know, I know!)
I'm sure he didn't mean to say that, but he would better have said
that no-one has more right to natural resources than another. And this
doesn't alter no matter how much politicians wield their privilege
legislation to obscure this basic expression of rights. Yet, if
politicians have bestowed privilege on some at the expense of others,
so can those same politicians remove the privileges.
LAND VALUE -- WE NEVER SEEM TO GET IT RIGHT
Two kinds of value attach to natural resources. As did George, we are
inclined, at times, to mix these two values together -- a grievous
error.
There is a value intrinsic to a location. This can be fertility (one
of the two sources of Rent in the lexicon of the early classical
economists - the other, of course, being location). Or it can be
anything else that is intrinsic to that location - oil, minerals, and
so on. Using such locations diminishes their value, as fertility is
leached from the soil, oil is pumped away, minerals are extracted.
It seems proper that, given a common ownership right to natural
resources, after the costs of extraction the rest would belong to us
all -- in common. Philosophically, this notion could be said to have a
global significance, but practically we must keep the argument within
political boundaries.
THE COMMONS
Ed Opitz of FEE in a delightful letter of criticism I've held since
1957, said "Common property amounts to a contradiction of terms."
Yet, the source of the term -- the English village commons -- was a
fact. They worked very well, contrary to Garret Hardin's view in "The
Tragedy of the Commons". The common land was a valuable resource
to which each villager held a common and equal right.
Nevertheless, Hardin was right about the problems that accompany
modern unrecognized "commons" situations. These range from
despoiling the rain forests, to whale slaughter and over-fishing. If
there is no ownership of the oceans and the forests, they may face
destruction. Or they will if we fail to assert our common ownership
and lay down conditions for use of our property.
ECONOMIC RENT
The other value that attaches to land has little or no global
significance. This is what we call Economic Rent -- or Rent. This is a
purely local value created by the community surrounding it. Though we
are likely to insist that a community is a collection of individuals
-- it is the individuals' activities as a community that produces
Rent. Rent attaches to locations and is easily measured. It can be
recovered from the owners of these locations cheaply and effectively.
So, should it be collected and distributed to the community that
created it -- either directly, or to pay for city services, thus
avoiding taxation?
Seems fair. And it meets the ideal of a 'self-supporting city'.
In no way is this a tax. It is a user charge, for benefits received,
to be accepted or refused as one wishes. One may always go to another
site carrying a lower Rent -- or no Rent at all. However, able people
will always prefer to move to the highest Rent locations they can use.
Further they will hope and expect the Rent to rise, for this means
more business.
Yet, we insist on telling them we want to tax them -- which impost
they obviously seek to avoid. So, they are likely to oppose land taxes
as just another way to tax them.
THE INVISIBLE RENT FUND
Rents are unlikely to provide much more revenue than will handle the
local needs of the city. Our friends calculate a "rent fund"
that will be sufficient to take over much, or all, of the present
revenue demands. I suggest that none of these calculations are real.
They are based on present speculative land prices. I suggest that
finding a relationship between speculative land price and Rent is at
best -- speculative.
In any event speculative prices will disappear with a full (or nearly
so) Rent collection. Central city Rents will increase because all the
land will be productively used to its fullest. The areas covered by
parking lots and dilapidated structures will support high buildings.
Elsewhere, the present high land prices will wither away. The
speculative prices that now reach 40-50 miles out from a city center
will drop, or disappear.
We are told by our expert assessors that residential land-values are
75% of the total land-value. What will happen when cities no longer
sprawl, but are concentrated? Those sprawling country subdivisions,
expensive to service, and creators of millions of commuter miles every
day, will be gone. And with them will go all these wonderful
speculative values we rely on to make our Rent revenue figures.
There again, if George's theory is correct and I believe it is, wages
will rise considerably. This will reduce Rent and by a large margin.
An LA Times article told of the black man who was the sole supplier of
black-eyed peas to the inner city. My immediate thought was that if
close-in land was freely available, there might be a dozen
entrepreneurs supplying the inner city with cheaper black-eyed peas.
Similar openings, raising wages, would occur everywhere in the new
economy. But as wages went up - so would Rent decrease.
However, we are tied to the huge taxation of the present and declare
Rent collection will replace any losses resulting from abolishing some
of it. The revenue from collecting Rent is not very important - at
best a bonus that will pay for local services. The economic effects of
collecting Rent are its raison d'etre. Hence my: "Better to
collect Rent and throw it in the sea, than not collect it at all."
THE TITLE DEED IS EVIDENCE OF LAND OWNERSHIP
A Rent payment is not a way to exclude others from the location - as
Dan suggested. Your title deed declaring you own the location does
that. Subject of course to the four restrictions that come with the
title and which are pretty sensible (though revision will be necessary
in a geocracy).
As far as I know, the four restrictions are part of every land sale
contract in the country - and one of them is the right of the
community to tax land. So, collecting Rent is not breaking an existing
contract -- something unfair to the present owners. It is already part
of the contract.
Title deed? This is proof of ownership of the location. It allows you
to do what you wish with this location and take the full profit that
arises from your efforts. Of course, in a geocracy, none of the
returns to Labor and Capital will be taxed. In fact, ultimately there
will be no taxation. Only a Rent payment which recaptures for the
community a value it has have created and helps the city to continue
running smoothly.
You'll note that the Rent payment is not a cost - unless you place on
the other side of the ledger an equivalent amount of benefit to you.
Whereas a tax is a cost and that is where we make an horrendous
mistake.
Everybody tries to avoid taxes. They are an imposition to escape from
at all costs. Yet, we insist on telling everyone that we want to tax
them -- but with a better tax than the ones they now pay. Further we
are going to replace today's onerous burden with the equally onerous
burden of the land-tax.
This really is a non-starter -- unless we are trying to get a little
bit of two-rate on the board.
POLLUTION TAXES
And now we want to tax pollution!
If no-one has more right to natural resources than another, then
someone wishing to make extra use of a natural resource should
compensate the rest of us for this extra use. This is already a policy
for public property (public, not common). If you drive your tractor
along a couple of miles of country roads, you'll have to pay for any
damage you do to the road surface.
If someone wants to exceed his equal right to the air by filling it
with emissions and pollution, he should compensate us. We must be
grateful to Dan for explaining the difference between an emission and
a pollution.
HOW MUCH POLLUTION DO WE WANT?
But this compensation is hardly a tax. It is a charge for extra use
of a common resource. It is up to the community affected to decide how
hard they will hit the polluter. If it is appropriate to the
conditions, the perpetrator will search for the cheapest and most
effective way to end the pollution and the charge. As I have said
before, Chemical Engineering reported that when pollution entering
rivers was metered and a fee applied - the effluent pretty quickly
became cleaner than the river.
If the charge is too low, the polluter will eat it and continue to
pollute. If the charge is too high, business and its jobs will leave
the community. However, this trade-off becomes a matter of decision by
the community. They will have to choose how much pollution they want.
So, we might charge for extra use of the common resource -- but we
will never tax.
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