Do Taxes on Labor and Capital
Reduce Location Rent?
Harry Pollard
[Reprinted from a LandCafe online discussion,
31 January, 2007]
Back in the 1970, the annual conference of the Henry George school
took place in Miami. ...At the Conference I was making a presentation
on my great discovery. I had found that all taxes come out of Rent. I
was attacked from all parts of the audience. Dear old Henry George
Foundation Secretary Percy Williams angrily confronted me. "So
you're saying that we don't need land value taxation because other
taxes will collect Rent anyway!" -- he thundered.
Over the coming months, many or most Georgists began to agree with
the contention. I think Steve Cord was about the first. I did hear
that someone called Mason Gaffney had suggested a similar argument.
George Collins said it rather better by changing it to 'taxes are paid
at the expense of Rent'.
So I had carried out a kind of minor revolution in thinking among
Georgists.
The only problem was that I was dead wrong.
As Ive said many times before, the Rent of a location is a
community construct - it wouldnt exist if surrounding
community didnt exist and have access to it. That is the ethical
underpinning of Rent collection - the community is simply
recovering the values it creates.
If the community doesn't change and its ability to access a location
doesn't change, then the Rent of that location will remain the same.
This, no matter what taxes may be levied on the production of Labor
and Capital. Or, for that matter if Rent is collected either by a
private landholder or by the community.
The ability of a location to add $100 a day to the production of the
person occupying a location is there whether or not the occupier does
anything at all. And, for that matter, it remains no matter the
taxation burden that may fall on the head of the hapless producer.
The problem arises in our failure to distinguish Rent from rack-rent.
The engine of the market is price mechanism control. The action of
the market is continually to move toward higher quality at a lower
price. The returns to both Labor and Capital are controlled by the
market. The return to Land is not.
We all know how the price mechanism works. When there is an
increasing demand for something the price rises. This has two effects.
It dampens the enthusiasm of buyers even as it increases the
enthusiasm of producers.
To take advantage of a higher price, factories produce more and rush
it to market. Fresh goods arriving at market satisfy demand and prices
return to equilibrium. (What fixes the equilibrium is of great
interest to Georgists. We may be the only ones to raise the question.)
However, factories cannot produce more land and rush it to market.
The amount of land is fixed and it cannot be moved around. There is no
way to bring land prices back to equilibrium. So, in response to
continuing demand, land prices keep moving upward.
Let us look at the landholder. Professional real estate people make
their money by moving land and improvements. The more they move the
greater their commissions. The landholder is in possession of
something that steadily increases in price. Why should he sell?
Once he sells he is no longer a landholder. The position of
landholder carries its own cachet. Further, he is getting a steady
increase in price and he doesn't have to do very much. What can he
invest in that might provide as good an income with similar low risk?
(Mason argues that this increase is income and should be taxed as
such. That would be interesting.)
So our landholder holds on for further increases. So do they all hang
on with the inevitable result that prices continue to rise, thereby
confirming the correctness of their decision.
We are in positive feedback, the opposite of the negative feedback
exhibited by the market.
Let's return to Rent.
Just as prices rise, so does the 'rent' demanded of a tenant. If land
was plentifully available, the tenant would quickly be off elsewhere.
As it happens there is no elsewhere -- he is caught. And the amount
demanded increases and increases, and over centuries has been known as
rack-rent.
Webster uses Rent and rack-rent synonymously an appropriate
recognition of reality.
Tenants do not pay Rent -- they pay rack-rent.
There is a limit to the rack-rent that can be charged. The tenant
must be left with enough to keep him alive (technically, and
reproducing). In fact, this necessary minimum is what determines
rack-rent. In the tremendously fertile Mekong Delta, rack-rents
reached 90% of the crop. When American troops cleared the Delta of
Vietcong right behind them came the cousins of the landlords to
collect their 90%.
This was known as winning the hearts and minds of the people.
So we tax the landholder's production, or impose sales taxes on
everything the tenant buys and the existing rack rent cannot be
maintained. These taxes are paid at the expense of rack-rent.
Thus, the landholder gets less rack-rent.
But, Rent is not affected. The value, created by the presence and
access of the surrounding community, has not changed.
Over the years we've fallen into the trap of treating rack-rent as if
it were Rent. Aggregate rack-rent is very much larger than aggregate
Rent and produces a more desirable revenue for all the things we want
to do with the Rent we collect.
The difference between Rent and rack-rent has only one source and
that is wages. It is a thoroughly Georgist notion that wages belong to
the person who produced them. If we collect rack-rent we collect
wages.
It is not right to collect the wages of Labor and redistribute them
in some fashion.
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