The Three Different Senses of Land Value
Harry Pollard
[Reprinted from a Land-Theory online
discussion between Harry Pollard and John Havercroft, February and
March 2006]
ED DODSON WROTE: "And,
for the last seven or eight years in the U.S. at least, investors
dissatisfied with returns in the stock and bond markets have been
pumping their funds into real estate -- not worrying about negative
cash flows so long as the potential resale values keep climbing."
Quite true and it emphasizes yet again the three land values we deal
with.
'Economic Rent' is the value of the advantage provided to a location
by the presence and access of people. This is easily appraised and is
the amount a pure Georgist Rent collection would move to the Public
Treasury. As it should as the values were created by the public.
However, land is by its nature a monopoly. As Will Rogers said: "They
ain't making no more." Further locations can't be moved. In the
ordinary market, a price rise draws in fresh production fast, lowering
the price back to equilibrium.
When rents soar in a particular place, they can't be lowered by
producing more land and moving it close by. So, the rents keep rising.
These values are no longer Economic Rent but something else that has
accompanied us through history. They are rack-rents.
A 'rack-rent' can be defined as the highest amount that can be
extracted from a tenant without stopping production. (You have to
leave the poor sods enough on which to survive.)
This is Ricardo's "Iron Law of Wages".
There is a third land value which is 'sales price'.
I can't get agreement on this among Georgists but a land sales price
behaves just like a collectible market price -- as do the owners in
each case.
A collectible owner is disinterested in income. He watches the price
rise. If he owns a 16th century tiger maple desk, he doesn't put it to
use -- rather he wraps it in plastic and stores it safely away as he
watches the price increase.
In the same way, a landholder is less interested in income than
soaring sales prices. If he gets an income by using a $100 million per
acre space as a parking lot, or as a petrol station, it's a mild use
designed perhaps to pay a property tax rise. He won't invest seriously
in the lot. His essential focus is on the soaring sales price. (In the
States, these temporary uses are called "taxpayers".)
In similar fashion slum owners are reluctant to spent money on their
blighted buildings. Ultimately they want to sell the location for a
huge price. They don't care about wet walls and broken doors.
The emergence of collectible sales prices is particularly noticeable
with apartment buildings. Analysts have realized somewhat belatedly
that apartment building prices have lost touch with the capitalized
income that can be obtained from them. They shake their heads and
wonder why its happening.
The rental income may be viewed as "rack-rent" -- if the
landlord tries to raise them any further, people will move out. So
there is a limit to what can be charged -- a high limit!
But there is no limit to the fantasies in the mind of the collectible
owner as he views the ever rising sales prices of his collectible,
whether it be an antique desk, or a piece of vacant or underused land.
From: John Havercroft [mailto:john.havercroft@dsl.pipex.com] Sent:
Sunday, February 19, 2006 4:24 AM Subject: opportunity to respond to
consultation on planning-gain supplement
John Havercroft responds to Harry Pollard,
19 February 2006] |
I am not sure it is necessary to resort to seeing land as a
collectible in order to explain its pricing and I am not sure you
right that there are three elements to the valuation.
Starting from scratch, ownership of land is meaningless; what is
generally understood by ownership is in fact a transferable right to
either enjoy the income arising from the land in perpetuity, or to
prevent others from doing so. The so called freehold, the ability to
be free to do what you like with "your" land is hedged about
with rules about zoning, planning, dangerous goods and activities,
pollution etc etc; all of which are granted or taken away by others
but which affect the level of income you have a right to enjoy from "your"
land. In most societies "freehold" land can be confiscated
for the greater good, although financial compensation is usually
given.
Fundamentally I believe land value arises from two things:- where it
is and what's been done to it, The first, location value, derives
either from its natural attributes such as being on a harbour or from
what man made artefacts surround it; be that a business district of a
transport hub or just a good school. The second source of value is
what has been done to the plot; from clearing and fencing for
agriculture to building a skyscraper - the investment made ON the
land. (I would exclude, as purist Georgists don't, the value of what
is IN the land. I would tax resource depletion separately - but that's
a whole different topic).
Looked at in this light the curious hybrid we think of as a "freehold
building" can be thought of as two elements. Element one is a
right to enjoy the income derived from a patch of the earth's surface,
simply because it is there. The second is the right to enjoy the
income deriving from what man has done to the patch of land. Income
from the first most resembles an index-linked government secured bond;
its income rises with national wealth and is secured as the first
charge on the land. Investors will, rightly, accept a very low rate of
cash return on this investment and, to the extent that they believe "their"
plot is in a location where its value will rise faster than the
national income they may be prepared to accept a zero or negative cash
return. The second, the right to enjoy income from the man made
artifacts ON the patch, is very different in kind. Buildings have a
finite life and depreciate. Hedges require maintenance etc. Indeed
what is on the land is, in its general sense, capital plant subject to
all the vagaries of supply and demand on which owners or investors
will expect the usual sort of returns from such an investment.
As an intellectual construct I think this works elegantly. If
ownership could be separated in the real world there is an enormous
potential demand for the sort of index linked long term investment
that land represents; from pension funds and others with index linked
liabilities in the long term. Over to Wall Street and Lombard Street
-- perhaps.
From: LandCafe@yahoogroups.com on behalf of ericbritton
[eric.britton@ecoplan.org] Sent: Thursday, March 09, 2006 9:23 AM To:
LandCafe@yahoogroups.com Subject: [LandCafe] [The Land Café's
Open Society Blog] Land Café comments on UK "planning gain
supplement" consultation
[http://groups.yahoo.com/group/LandCafe/messagesearch?query=plan+ning-gain&submit=Go&charset=ISO-8859-1]
Harry Pollard responds to John Havercroft,
9 March 2006] |
First, we agree on resource depletion. Resources in the ground have
an intrinsic value that is diminished by extraction. I wouldn't tax
it. Rather, I would assert the common ownership of the people and put
extraction out to bid. The amount that we would get could be very
large.
My favorite example concerns the City of Long Beach in California. A
consortium of oil companies acronymed THUMS (Texaco, Humble, Unocal,
Mobil, and Shell) contracted to move oil out of Long Beach Harbor.
The companies pay 96.25% of the profit to the City and State as Rent.
The City collects it each month, then forwards much of it to the
state. (It actually holds on to these billions up until the last
possible hour, so they can benefit from bank interest!)
Occidental has now taken over from the consortium. I don't know the
terms of the new contract.
With regard to your other points - I use landholder rather than
landowner in my courses and elsewhere - and landlord when it's a bit
more emotional. The four restrictions on freehold in the States are
Escheat, Police Power, Taxation, and Eminent Domain. As much of our
law came from Britain, I assume these are your restrictions too.
As you know there are three incomes to the basic Factors of
Production -- Land, Labor, and Capital. They are Rent, Wages, and
Interest. Something I fear that George did not make clear is that
Wages and Interest are under the control of the market price mechanism
-- Rent is not.
Simply, when demand increases, so does the price. The market price
mechanism stimulates production and draws in fresh supplies from
elsewhere. These satisfy demand and the price returns to equilibrium.
The price mechanism doesn't fix the equilibrium. It simply hunts
around it. What fixes the equilibrium is of enormous importance but
seems to be ignored by modern neo-Classicals. If the equilibrium
changes, they prefer to readjust their graphs to show that the price
mechanism is making the change.
It doesn't. It simply acts like a thermostat, maintaining the
equilibrium.
As it does with Capital, supplying and withdrawing according to the
Interest Rate.
And as it does with Labor, moving people around to places where they
are needed.
However, the price mechanism cannot encourage greater production of
land. We already have all we are going to have. Nor can it move land
around to where it is wanted. When demand for land increases, the
price goes up, but there is no mechanism to bring it down. So, it
keeps rising.
This is where the "collectible mentality" cuts in. People
hold on to a collectible because the price is going up. The act of
holding from the market raises prices still further -- which
encourages holding.
As you know, to engineers this is positive feedback - as opposed to
the price mechanism, which is negative feedback.
Holding land from use for an expected increase is on all fours with
other collectible holding. The important distinction is a certain lack
of interest in income as opposed to sales price. We saw the same
situation occur with regard to stocks in the run-up a few years ago.
Analysts moaned about price/earnings ratios even as people were
holding their soaring bits of paper with no thought of incomes. They
were collecting.
I see little difference between holding land as a collectible and
holding an antique tiger maple desk as a collectible -- or a work of
art, an ancient book, or a beer can.
Obviously you will act somewhat differently with each kind of
collectible you hold -- but this is a difference of degree rather than
kind.
However, if you don't like the 'collectible' analogy -- so long as
you see differences between these and price mechanism controlled items
all is fine.
Incidentally, I've not come across an economics book analyzing
collectibles -- though there a multiplicity of "How To"
volumes. The neo-Classicals seem to regard the collectible market as
part of the market process, although the motives and economic
pressures are completely different from the ordinary supermarket.
I suggest Rent arises from one cause. It is a value that arises from
the presence and access of a community. This value attaches to
locations. Remove the community the Rent disappears. Bring them back
and some locations hold more Rent than others.
If we all have a common right to the earth, the collection of Rent
for the community establishes that right.
It is ethical to collect it, for the community is merely recapturing
the values it created.
The economic effects of this are many. It would remove land
speculation -- the collecting of land and holding it out of use. Land
would become part of the price mechanism controlled market and the
enormous amount of unused and underused land would become available.
I pointed out that the "equilibrium" is decided by the
alternative. When Labor has no alternative available, wages head
downward until they reach subsistence levels. This is the "rush
to the bottom" often mentioned in anti-Globalization circles.
Yet, this "rush" has been with us always -- and certainly
before Globalization.
If, pressured by the Rent collection, much land (in every country
most of it) is released by people unwilling to pay Rent for land they
won't use, Labor would have its alternative. Experience seems to show
that when even a small percentage of Labor heads out to free land, the
resulting shortage of workers raises wages.
This is Ricardo, or course, but he missed something.
He showed how wages dropped as better land was filled until on the
poorest land Labor would barely survive. (Needless to say, Rent would
go up as wages went down.)
His contention was actually Malthusian, for with increasing
population, the land would be filled up and when its all gone, people
would begin to die. However, in reality, the land is not so much used
up as taken up. Large amounts are fenced but unused -- or used
fitfully.
(Unless 'deep pockets' -- the government -- provides monstrous
amounts of the people's wealth to fortunate landholders like the Duke
of Westminster to persuade them to use it.)
This occupation without use forces wages down to the margin long
before there is any need - and creates the illusion of overpopulation.
You'll recall that Kevin Cahill pointed out that less than 8% of the
UK is "developed".
The US is practically empty - but every chunk is owned and is mostly
unused or underused.
You appear to approve the proposition with regard to land that:
'Investors will, rightly, accept a very low rate of cash return on
this investment and, to the extent that they believe "their"
plot is in a location where its value will rise faster than the
national income they may be prepared to accept a zero or negative cash
return.'
Yet, as I've described, this not only betrays a certain resemblance
to the collectible economy, this is actually the problem -- a problem
that will be strongly attacked by the full collection of Rent.
Or, if you wish, the collection of a full land value tax.
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