A Blueprint for the Program
of the Robert Schalkenbach Foundation

Charles Johnson Post

[1926]

In any report on the functions or activities of the Foundation it is proper to outline some of the actual conditions we face in order to best consider the methods to meet them.

The income of the Foundation is so small compared to the amounts customarily raised and used for propaganda that it is not possible to adopt propaganda methods such as are possible with other wealthy foundations. It is therefore highly important that the Foundation shall consider whether it shall establish its policy, and the precedents that will crystallize from such policy, along one of the two obvious lines, i.e. (a) regarding its function as solely to distribute and expend the sums annually available from the capital of the Foundation; or, (b) to consider itself as in the nature of a Ways and Means Committee and Board of Strategy with the duty of adopting such policies as will not only propagandise but will augment the funds of the Foundation by various means, including that of augmenting the Foundation by means of the propaganda itself.

Clearly, if the Foundation regards itself solely as a distributor of its own funds to existing energies, its function will be of the simplest; but it will not be advancing the doctrines of Henry George except by the means of which Robert Schalkenbach was quite familiar during his lifetime and to which he could have left his money directly had he regarded such channels as those best adapted to carrying out his purposes. His acts during his life can be taken as a fair measure of his purposes in regard to existing propaganda energies and future organic effort.

It is reasonable to assume that the second line of thought, i.e., that the Foundation should be the nucleus of a Board that should combine the features of a Board of Strategy and a Ways and Means Committee is not only better adapted to the actual and practical conditions that we face, but also in closer harmony with the intention of the Foundation. Moreover, from such an angle, it is far better able to make effective propaganda.

Two factors of energy at once present themselves. These are the distinct angles of propaganda appeal; one, the appeal to the higher emotions of the great general public; and, two, the appeal to the purely economic, business sensitiveness of the public. As a matter of actual fact they are simply two facets of the same identical propaganda; you cannot present either one without involving the other -and arguing for it. If the single tax were, put into actual operation solely by reason of its economic, fiscal appeal there is no possible way of preventing or separating the sociological benefits that would inevitably follow; nor, if it were placed in operation by virtue of the emotional, sociological appeal could the purely economic advantages be secondary.

The question is not one of morality of the methods of making single tax propaganda; it is definitely and absolutely one of applied psychology. To certain classes the high emotional appeal is effective; to others the economic. Propaganda must be used from both angles and of each or either type as is most effective for the particular strategy and tactics needed to accomplish the result.

But, in order that an appeal to the higher emotions of a people shall be successful, two conditions are vital; there must be a living leadership - and a striking leadership - of a very great and magnetic personality of emphatic inspirational power, and the conditions of society must be ripe and sensitive to such leadership. Such leadership seems to arise, providentially, whenever the great and slow evolutionary processes of civilization reach certain conditions of the mass of inarticulate thought and desire. Such leadership cannot be artificially created; it must, and does arise out of the pressure of the events themselves. But the second factor, i.e., the prepared conditions, or sensitiveness, of society is susceptible of organization and propaganda. Frequently - almost invariably - there are existing organizations that are the invaluable means of propaganda and by which the whole mass may be leavened to the point of articulate desire.

The high emotional appeal of the Declaration of Independence, for example, became possible through irritation against unfairly discriminatory taxes, and, for another illustration, the first slaves were organically freed not by the Abolitionists or the direct-actionists of the underground railway, but by a military order establishing their status as contraband of war.

It seems to be a law of human progress that while the highest expediency is invariably the expression of a moral law of human association, yet that the first successful and practical appeal lies in the plane of plain economic unfairness and destructiveness.

The Schalkenbach Foundation owes the duties of its trust to building organic, organized propaganda on a sound tactical basis that shall be self-perpetuating and self-expanding and that shall cultivate the field against the day when a practical, living inspirational leadership will arise to put into practical effect the doctrines of Henry George.

It needs no argument to establish the fact that the United States is, psychologically speaking, a business country. It thinks in general, and in mass, in terms of business and business profits; it thinks of those things short-sightedly and muddle-headedly, it is true, but its mind, is built on business-wise lines, or otherwise the tariff could not have endured as it has. The two great American catchwords are "Efficiency" and "Scientific". Both are popular business slogans - and incidentally highly effective ones. It is idle to argue that we are an idealistic people and sensitive to idealistic propaganda; we are sensitive to business propaganda and we are incurably romantic, for we look back at our economic progress and think it was brought about idealistically. For example, Prohibition. Prohibition was never brought about by Prohibitionists but by Big Business factory owners and the South trying to curb "nigger gin." But romantically we accuse the futile Prohibitionists of it.

It is necessary to look the facts in the face and we are a business nation. Our laws are made for business and largely by business. A business delegation can get a more careful hearing before any legislative body than any other class. It is not an unnatural condition, for civilization has grown and progressed out of the recognition of the rights of private property. Each step has been in a certain degree simply a better definition and classification of property rights. In fact, from the purely economic angle, the single tax is but one vital step forward in defining property rights on sound property principles.

Since for many centuries, we have been thinking in terms of property rights and progress in efficiency, we have built up for ourselves a generation that is most easily sensitized, psychologically speaking, by appeals to its economic senses. And, if the business groups of the country can be reached on grounds of efficiency alone they will, as a matter of self-interest, press forward for a single-tax as a matter of economic expediency.

It is true that in all business groups there are small elements that are non-producers that are hostile and will always be hostile, yet when the main body realizes that almost all business men are producers, and that taxes on production make for bad business for them, they will not be checked by the non-producing element.

In other words, the Foundation cannot propagandize the whole nation out of its actually small financial resources. But it can, and it should simply as a matter of sound propaganda, confine itself to selecting those strategic and tactical targets which, once propagandized, will become radiating centers of energy and sympathy in themselves. Unless a target has a tactical value in relation and in proportion to the whole country or in some particular portion of it, or some particular influential and radiating class, it should have no appeal to the Foundation simply because it is something to shoot at.

Propaganda methods, effective once, change from time to time. In the American revolution pamphlets were very effective; the reading class was few but influential. Today the country is covered with newspapers. When there is money, and propaganda is desired, newspapers are bought, if possible. In older days anybody who could write was a welcome contributor to a newspaper; today the preparation of matter for newspapers is an art and the working out and analysing of the so-called news-value [of] a trade or profession. Methods and - principles of propaganda are fairly definitely a known art, and susceptible, within certain bounds, to analysis and proof. It is applied psychology and to be applied in the light of the generally recognized habits and customs of a people.

To put it in a more definite and practical form, if we bend our energies to pointing out and creating definite resentment against the present unjust and destructive forms of taxation- and at the same time pointing directly to a constructive method of taxation on sound principles - we are in a most definite and practical way, advancing the doctrines that Henry George laid down.

The principles of successful propaganda are simple. We have an idea, a great idea, to sell to the peop1e. The fundamental psychology by which anything is sold to the public applies. The public, in its various groups is our customer. We must approach the customer from his most susceptible angle. We must get him to adopt the principle of the single tax, and. work for it, from whatever angle that will best get him to adopt it, and strive for it. The truth comes to different people from different angles; this is a fact of human nature and must be considered if the Foundation is effectively to fulfil its trust. When one is to raise and co-ordinate an army for a cause of truth we cannot demand co-ordination of inspiration; there must be simply co-ordination of organization and unity of objective.

We must, as would a surgeon, submerge our own sympathetic emotions and consider the operation from the most effective angle.

It is doubtful if, for illustration the Gideon Society ever has stimulated the sale of a single Bible through broadcasting them through hotels and public rooms; or the Bible Society through its gifts of thousands of Bibles annually to ships. But the constant pressure of organized religious work and semi-religious work through the religious sections of the newspapers through Sunday -schools, through syndicated matter, through the radio and through scores of other semi-indirect ways are more directly effective ways resulting in the sales of Bibles. The Y.M.C.A.'S with their social and educational work have done more to stimulate religious thought in practical working forms than have their direct action religious classes. It has not been the printing and offering of Bibles that has stimulated their sale but the exciting of interest in many ways -that inevitably sensitize people to get them and read them desirously.

And so, if there can be aroused -- and it can be -- an interest in the subject of the destructive stupidity and injustice of present methods of taxation, there will come the automatic demand for the books of Henry George and similar books on his doctrines. It is the desire to read the subject that makes a demand for books, not the publishing of books that makes the desire. Any book publisher will confirm this.

Thus, if we propagandize the subject of taxation itself, we will not only create a desire for the books but will, at the same time, be creating a sympathy for the doctrine as well.

The country is already heavily covered with newspapers and periodicals of all kinds; there is a large labor press; there is a large field of business and trade papers. And many of these are available if given suitable service for their needs and their audiences.

I believe that we should endeavor to establish a mat or stereotype service handling taxation matters from a news angle. That is to say, for general illustration, interviews with prominent men whose views are of influence and who will point with alarm to the destructiveness of our present tax system and the imperative need of tax reorganization for our national progress. Judge Seabury, John Moody as head of a financial service that is recognized throughout the entire financial world, John Dewey, Charles O'Connor Hennessy, the builder of a great savings institution, etc., etc., are names that would influence many circles. Their highest efficiency would lie in the fact that they should be handled as any news feature. The list of availables is large and can be added to by those who will view the taxation problems with serious alarm and who are prominently in the public eye.

There should be established, as a similar syndicate service, a questions and answers column dealing with tax matters.

There should be established a special service for labor papers on a similar news basis and treating of taxation from the labor angle. I believe the name of Louis F. Post as the editor of such a department (by reason of his title as the former Assistant Secretary of Labor would be worth consideration).

There should be a service for trade and business papers dealing with the destructiveness of present taxation of wealth-production. This should be more specific and touching it from the particular angle of that periodical.

There are many hundreds of trade and business associations throughout the country and these should be propagandized as to the effects of taxation on their industry - and an effort made to supply them with a speaker for their conventions. Many of them are extremely anxious to get a speaker to make up their program on such occasions.

Also, I believe that there are possibilities in building up a large mail-list but this should be done in localized areas or among definite classes. This can be initiated by means of a questionnaire suitably prepared. For example a questionnaire could be sent to a Rotary or other commercial organization with special queries as to taxes on the recipient's property compared with other property unimproved. A local issue could be built up directly in that organization in regard to taxation or, at any rate, be made a subject for local discussion. The follow up--according to the apparent results--would be a speaker and literature; and events themselves would determine subsequent developments and energies.

A very special effort should be made to align school teachers' organizations since these--in their desire for higher salaries--would be able to point out a definite source of taxation from which such salaries can be drawn. Their present invariable difficulty everywhere being that the legislators weep over their inability to vote higher salaries because the tax sources are exhausted. The school teachers, through their many conventions and meetings and their association with parent-teachers organizations, is a highly valuable series of centers of radiating influence. In this field names of John Dewey, Gunnison Brown, Roman and. others could be effectively used.

The farmers are highly important; but they are peculiarly organized, and not easy to get at. Farm papers deal almost exclusively with cattle and grain production and it is problematic as to how they could best be handled. I am not at all sure, but it might be possible to consider supplying their different lodges with an association periodical at a very attractive cost; we printing the editorial bias and they supplying their local news. Or, by supplying their member from time to time with a small farm paper that would carry heaving emphasis on taxation and its destructive effects upon farm production.

Certainly, as regards reaching the school teachers some method similar to the foregoing may be advantageously developed.

And suitable literature for all classes of wealth producers, and in brief campaign form should be prepared and supplied.

The Foundation is not a wealthy organization. Its funds are slight for propaganda campaigning. Therefore it is of the utmost importance that, in its propaganda, it should analyze the strategic points in which the greatest effect can be produced. And it should only use its slender resources to campaign in those ways and at those objectives that have the greatest strategic and tactical value when stirred. We must endeavor to sensitize organizations already in existence that are susceptible and bend them to energize for the single-tax from whatever angle will most strongly and effectively appeal to them. The Foundation should be the nucleus of widespread organized effort.

It is not possible to map out in detail these energies. Many will develop as the work progresses and funds become available.

This Foundation contains in its membership, men of distinct and signal achievement in the world of business successes. These abilities can be, I believe, made of enormous value in the matter of increasing the supply of funds for the work. It is entirely possible that, from time to time, opportunities might develop for the kind of propaganda work that could be made self-sustaining in its field and even profitable. Under such conditions, should they arise such members of the Foundation would find at their hand an opportunity for the particular kind of service -- in business analysis and judgment and in business promotion and organization--that would be of immense value.

But it is important that in this propaganda we should develop and follow sound principles of propaganda and adopt these that have been proven sound in many similar fields.