The Advance of Despotism in the United States
Louis F. Post
[Reprinted from The Arena, Vol. 40 , July to
December 1908; pp.72-74]
If Emma Goldman, on the occasion mentioned above, had been permitted
to proceed with her speech, and had counseled assassination, she would
have been lawfully subject to an orderly prosecution for crime. If the
Italian newspaper in New Jersey has published criminal matter, its
proprietors and editors are subject to prosecution. The right to speak
and print is subject to responsibility for what is said and printed.
But the right itself is absolute. No American court would prohibit the
publication of a libel by injunction, whether the libel were seditious
or otherwise, and though it threatened property rights. Neither would
any court enjoin a publication advising crime. Every court would
instantly say that such publications are for the consideration of the
grand jury after they are made. If it is so important, then, that
courts shall not prevent free speech with injunctions, how much more
important that postal officials shall not prevent it with an arbitrary
censorship nor policemen with their clubs.
When Emma Goldman stepped forward to explain anarchism, she should
have been protected by the police, not assaulted by them. If her
explanation had comprehended advice to murder she should have been
arrested in an orderly way upon an appropriate accusation under the
law, and in due course placed upon trial for criminal utterances. The
same course should be followed in the case of the New Jersey editors.
But if her explanation of anarchy, or their exhortations in behalf of
anarchy, consisted of arguments against the right or the expediency of
coercive government, the arguments are not answered by calling them "seditious."
Although I believe in coercive government - the less the better,
however, within the limits of necessity- yet I am not immodest enough
to insist that my belief shall settle the matter. If Emma Goldman
believes otherwise, why may not she be right instead of I? To answer
that question I must know to what extent and why she believes
otherwise. And I cannot know this unless her right of utterance is
faithfully conserved. As of Emma Goldman and her opinions, so of
everybody else and their opinions. So of the Union Square meeting
which was dispersed as it assembled. So of the New Jersey paper which
has been suppressed without a trial. So also of the people whose
meeting to protest against this lawless act was riotously dispersed by
a lawless police order.
No harm can come from the free expression of opinion, but only good.
Is that government best which governs least? Let us listen to its
advocates. Is that society best in which there is no government at
all? Let us listen to its advocates. Or, if we will not listen
ourselves, let us at least prove our confidence in our inerrant
opinions by tolerating freedom of debate. Above all things, let us not
be so mean as to deny to the advocates of weaker opinions that freedom
of speech which we claim for ourselves, nor so cowardly as to see this
done without our protest.
Do we fear deadly crimes from incendiary utterances? Let us learn
from experience, as we may already from historical study and
reflection, that incendiary utterances in the open are harmless. Do we
fear riots from street meetings of the "lower classes"? Let
us send the police there to preserve the peace instead of breaking the
peace.
Do we fear wholesale lawlessness by any class of the people? Let us
insist upon rigid law abidingness by the servants of the people. It is
in faithfully conserving that great inheritance of ours- free speech
and a free press - and in the spirit largely, as well as in the letter
narrowly, that we shall find our best guarantees of peace and order
and progress.
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